Child labor Essay

Youngsters are the eventual fate of the country. They are blossoms of our national nursery. It is our obligation to secure these blossoms. Kid work is a financial issue. Youngster work is certainly not another marvel in India. From old occasions, kids were required to accomplish some work either at home or in the field alongside their folks. In any case, we find in Manusmriti and Arthashastra that the lord made training for each kid, kid or young lady, obligatory. In those days there was an arrangement of exchange of kids, who were bought and changed over to slaves by certain individuals. The issue of youngster work was recognized as a significant issue in the nineteenth century when the primary plant was begun in mid-nineteenth century. Administrative measures were first embraced as ahead of schedule as 1881. Since freedom there have been a few laws and guidelines in regards to youngster work. Youngster work has been characterized as any work done by the kids so as to financially benefits their family or themselves straightforwardly or in a roundabout way, at the expense of their physical, mental or social turn of events. Kid is the loveliest formation of nature. Be that as it may, it is the conditions which constrain them to hard work. They need to gain business from youth, halting their psychological turn of events. The country endures an overal deficit of their ability as develop grown-ups. Youngster work is a worldwide issue. It is progressively normal in immature nations. Youngster work, overall, is an issue of poor and dejected families, where guardians can't bear the cost of training of their kids. They need to rely upon the winning of their kids. The commonness of kid work is a smear on society. It is a national disrespect that a huge number of youngsters in this nation need to spend a significant piece of their day by day schedule in risky works. The issue of youngster work in India is the aftereffect of conventional mentalities, urbanization, industrialisation, relocation, absence of training, and so on. Be that as it may, outrageous destitution is the fundamental driver of youngster work. As per the UNICEF, India is said to have the biggest number of world’s working youngsters. Over 90% of them live in rustic regions. The support rate in rustic urban zones isâ 6.3% and 2.5% separately. As indicated by an ongoing report, 17 million kids in our nation are occupied with procuring their business. This comprises 5% of the all out youngster populace of the country. It is around 33% of the all out youngster workers of the world. In India, working youngsters are occupied with various composed and sloppy parts, both rustic and urban territories. In provincial part, kids are occupied with field ranches, residential occupations, ranger service, angling and house industry. In urban segment they are utilized at houses, shops, eateries, little and huge enterprises, transport, correspondence, carports, and so forth. In India, working youngsters are additionally independently employed as paper, milk young men, shoeshine young men, cloth pickers, cart pullers, and so on. About 78.71% of kid laborers are occupied with development and farming, 6.3% are utilized in angling, chasing and manor, 8.63% in assembling, handling, fixes, house industry, and so on., 3.21% in development, transport, stockpiling, correspondence and exchange and 3.15% in different administrations. Kid Labor is misused in a few different ways. Inclination of youngster work by numerous businesses is chiefly because of the way that it is modest, safe and with no obligation. Numerous youngsters take up the activity due to the non-accessibility of schools in their territories and in this way as opposed to sitting inactive, they want to go to work. Lack of education and obliviousness of guardians is likewise a significant factor. These guardians don't consider youngster work as malevolent. Kid workers need to work more than grown-up laborers. They are abused by their bosses. There are a few sacred and lawful arrangements to ensure working youngsters. At present there are 14 significant acts and laws that give lawful security to the working youngsters. In any case, the shades of malice of youngster work is on the expansion. The greatest reason behind its spread is neediness. It can't be totally killed from society except if its underlying driver isn't tended to. Youngster work sustains neediness. Youngster work is financially unsound, mentally sad and morally off-base. It ought to be carefully prohibited. The general improvement in financial states of individuals will bring about progressive end of kid work.

The Importance of Employability Skills free essay sample

Understanding the significance of the client and giving elevated expectations of client care in spite of the fact that the point of an agent is to sell Printex distributed items and printing administrations it is additionally critical to put the clients needs first and give consumer loyalty by offering just to for fill a genuine requirement for them this will help guarantee resale and improve marketing projections over the long haul in this manner it is significant that the competitor understands the adequacy of this strategy. Experience inside a business position is significant as it explains that the applicant can perform and will be a resource for Printex, an accomplished salesman has the information implicit and ready to carry new plans to the table that work dependent on past experience. Cooperation aptitudes: equipped for cooperating through targets to arrive at a shared objective, it has been demonstrated that theirs a great deal of exercises to be learnt by functioning as group workers frequently improve their aptitudes by watching progressively experienced individuals which will expand deals representative’s capacity to sell over the long haul. We will compose a custom article test on The Importance of Employability Skills or on the other hand any comparable theme explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page Essential I. T abilities: ready to utilize a PC to store and send data successfully. The PC is a crucial instrument for a business division so as to monitor marketing projections which will be utilized to keep tally of the salary through deals alongside refreshing the client database and conveyance subtleties that should be recorded and sent to the offices included in this way it is indispensable that the competitor Learning abilities: open to new methods and aptitudes and being set up to contribute time to prepare and learn them. Preparing ought to be a nonstop procedure planned for improving and creating abilities that will expand their viability and lift deals so as to profit by preparing workers must be intellectually ready to get new aptitudes rapidly along a craving to learn. The Importance of Employability Skills free exposition test Understanding the significance of the client and giving exclusive requirements of client care despite the fact that the point of an agent is to sell Printex distributed items and printing administrations it is likewise critical to put the clients needs first and give consumer loyalty by offering just to for fill a genuine requirement for them this will help guarantee resale and improve marketing projections over the long haul along these lines it is significant that the up-and-comer understands the viability of this technique. Experience inside a business position is significant as it explains that the applicant can perform and will be an advantage for Printex, an accomplished salesman has the information inherent and ready to carry new plans to the table that work dependent on past experience. Cooperation aptitudes: fit for cooperating through destinations to arrive at a shared objective, it has been demonstrated that theirs a great deal of exercises to be learnt by filling in as group workers frequently improve their aptitudes by watching increasingly experienced individuals which will expand deals representative’s capacity to sell over the long haul. We will compose a custom paper test on The Importance of Employability Skills or on the other hand any comparative subject explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page Essential I. T abilities: ready to utilize a PC to store and send data viably. The PC is an indispensable device for a business office so as to monitor marketing projections which will be utilized to keep tally of the pay through deals alongside refreshing the client database and conveyance subtleties that should be recorded and sent to the divisions included in this manner it is fundamental that the competitor Learning aptitudes: open to new strategies and abilities and being set up to contribute time to prepare and learn them. Preparing ought to be a constant procedure planned for improving and creating aptitudes that will build their adequacy and lift deals so as to profit by preparing workers must be intellectually ready to get new abilities rapidly along a longing to learn.

Alumni Information COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - SIPA Admissions Blog

Alumni Information COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - SIPA Admissions Blog I was recently speaking with our Director of Alumni Relations about some various topics and she said she was working on a short list of notable alumni for a project.   I asked for a copy and she was happy to pass it along. SIPA has over 16,000 alumni living in 150 countries around the world an incredibly powerful networking tool for students and graduates.   The list below is divided by concentration area. INTERNATIONAL SECURITY POLICY Madeleine K. Albright (Certificate ’68), Former U.S. Secretary of State; Principal, The Albright Group LLC Victor Cha (MIA ’88), Former Director for Asian Affairs, National Security Council; Associate Professor of Government and D.S. Song-Korea Foundation Chair, Georgetown University Daniel Fried (MIA ’77), Assistant Secretary, European and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Dept. of State; Former U.S. Ambassador to Poland Francesco Mancini (MIA ’03), Associate, International Peace Institute George Tenet (MIA ’78), Former Director, CIA; Professor in the Practice of Diplomacy, Georgetown University HUMAN RIGHTS Frederick Abrahams (MIA ’95), Senior Researcher, Human Rights Watch Scott Campbell (MIA ’95), Executive Director, Elton John AIDS Foundation Malika Dutt (MIA ’86), Executive Director and Founder of Breakthrough: Building Human Rights Culture. Malika testified before the House Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight, along with actress Nicole Kidman, UNIFEM Goodwill Ambassador. Their testimony was to encourage passage of the International Violence Against Women Act (I-VAWA), which seeks to ensure that the fundamental right to live a life free from violence can become a reality for the world’s women. Priscilla Hayner (MIA ’93), Director, Peace and Justice Program; Director, Geneva Office, International Center for Transitional Justice Judy Cheng-Hopkins (MIA ’78), Assistant High Commissioner, UNHCR Geneva Rochelle Fortier Nwadibia (MIA ’82), Attorney at Law. Rochelle has won two major cases in asylum law, one of which, Mohammed v. Gonzales, is the leading federal appellate case on female genital mutilation as grounds for asylum. Her second major refugee case was Ndom v. Ashcroft, where Rochelle successfully petitioned for asylum for a Senegalese man fleeing political persecution. Both these cases are positioned quite prominently in global refugee law, notes Nwadibia. Foreign courts are citing our courts in taking the lead in these cases. Ana Cutter Patel (MIA ’98), Deputy Director, International Policymakers, International Center for Transitional Justice INTERNATIONAL FINANCE ECONOMIC POLICY Christian Deseglise (MIA ’90), Managing Director-Global Head of Emerging Markets, HSBC Global Asset Management Kirstin Frivold (EMPA ’03), Vice President, Goldman Sachs Co. Jong-ho Kyun (MIA ’00), Deputy Director, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Republic of South Korea James Leitner (MIA ’77), President, Falcon Management Corporation Bart Oostervled (MIA ’97), Senior Vice President, Moody’s Project Infrastructure ENERGY ENVIRONMENT Anna Giovinetto (MIA ’02), Vice President, Public Affairs, Noble Environmental Power Lloyd Kass (MPA ’98), Director of Energy Department, NYC Housing Authority Kedin Kilgore (MPA ’95), Head, Global Environmental Markets, JP Morgan Chase Marcus Tripp (MIA ’99), Vice President, Business Development, Exxon Mobil, Libya, Ltd. Qian Wang (ESP-MPA ’03), Deputy Director, State Environmental Protection Administration, Beijing ECONOMIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT Andrea S. Camoens (MIA ’97), Manager of Emerging Markets Group. John Melone Deidrick (MIA’ 85), Country Representative, Cambodia, Population Services International. John Lockwood (MIA ’97), Executive Director for Habitat for Humanity New York. Monique Pierre-Antoine (PEPM ’94), Chief of the Poverty Unit, UNDP, Haiti. Karen Paulina Poniachik (MIA ’90), Chile’s Special Envoy to the OECD URBAN SOCIAL POLICY Alisa Blum (MPA ’00), Manager of Field Operations, National League of Cities’ Center for Federal Relations Diana Bruce (MPA ’97), Director of Policy and Government Affairs, AIDS Alliance for Children, Youth and Families Neil Hernandez (MPA ’98), Commissioner, Department of Juvenile Justice Diego Andres Molano (MPA ’00), CEO, Water and Sanitation Company, Bogota, Colombia David Saltzman (MPA ’86) Executive Director, Robin Hood Foundation

How to Write the Nuclear Symbol of an Element

This worked problem demonstrates how to write nuclear symbols for isotopes of a given element. The nuclear symbol of an isotope indicates the number of protons and neutrons in an atom of the element. It does not indicate the number of electrons. The number of neutrons is not stated. Instead, you have to figure it out based on the number of protons or atomic number. Nuclear Symbol Example: Oxygen Write the nuclear symbols for three isotopes of oxygen in which there are 8, 9, and 10  neutrons, respectively. Solution Use a periodic table to look up the atomic number of oxygen. The atomic number indicates how many protons are in an element. The nuclear symbol indicates the composition of the nucleus. The atomic number ( the  number of protons) is a subscript at the lower left of the symbol of the element. The mass number (the sum of protons and neutrons) is a superscript at the upper left of the element symbol. For example, the nuclear symbols of the element hydrogen are: 11H, 21H, 31H Pretend that the superscripts and subscripts line up on top of each other: They should do it this way in your homework problems, even though its not printed that way in this example.  Since its redundant to specify the number of protons in an element if you know its identity, its also correct to write: 1H, 2H, 3H Answer The element symbol for oxygen is O and its atomic number is 8. The mass numbers for oxygen must be 8 8 16; 8 9 17; 8 10 18. The nuclear symbols are written this way (again, pretend the superscript and subscript are sitting right on top of each other beside the element symbol):168O, 178O, 188O Or, you could write: 16O, 17O, 18O Nuclear Symbol Shorthand While its common to write nuclear symbols with the atomic mass—the sum of the number of protons and neutrons—as a superscript and atomic number (the number of protons) as a subscript, theres an easier way to indicate nuclear symbols. Instead, write the element name or symbol, followed by the number of protons plus neutrons. For example, helium-3 or He-3 is the same as writing 3He or 31He, the most common isotope of helium, which has two protons and one neutron. Example nuclear symbols for oxygen  would be oxygen-16, oxygen-17, and oxygen-18, which have 8, 9, and 10 neutrons, respectively. Uranium Notation   Uranium is an element often described using this shorthand notation. Uranium-235 and uranium-238 are isotopes of uranium. Each uranium atom has 92 atoms (which you can verify using a periodic table), so these isotopes contain 143 and 146 neutrons, respectively. Over 99 percent of natural uranium is the isotope uranium-238, so you can see that the most common isotope isnt always one with equal numbers of protons and neutrons.

Utilitarianism Can Not Be Defended Against The Injustice...

In this essay, I will argue that utilitarianism cannot be defended against the injustice objection. Utilitarians may be able to reply to the injustice objection in some cases by invoking one of two replies, the ‘Long term consequences’ reply, in which utilitarians will avoid unjust actions that increase short-term utility because in the long-term they will not lead to the greatest good. The other reply that may help utilitarianism avoid injustice in some cases is the ‘Secondary principles’ reply, where some rule-based principles such as not murdering (because it generally decreases happiness) may avoid injustice.. However, I will focus on the ‘bite the bullet’ objection, which states that when we do not know what the long term consequences†¦show more content†¦An example of this is in the case of R v Dudley and Stephens (1884), where Dudley, Stephens, and Brookes ate the cabin boy Parker, after they were shipwrecked for 24 days at sea. Although this act maximised utility for the most people, Parker’s rights were infringed upon as he did not agree to being killed and eaten. Therefore when we add up the pain and pleasures of all those affected we may end up infringing someone’s rights. The act that maximises utility may cause unhappiness and misery for the minority. There are three standard replies to the injustice objection. The first being the ‘Long term consequences’ objection, where a person following utilitarianism is not obligated to commit an injustice, and that person should take into account the long term consequences of their actions. An example I would like to refer to is the harvesting organs example. Where there are five sick people in hospital and they all need organ transplants, at the same time a sixth patient is undergoing a routine checkup. A transplant surgeon finds that the only way of saving the five would be to kill the sixth person and harvest their organs. Utilitarianism would state that we should harvest the organs of person 6 without his permission to save the lives of the five other people who are dying. A utilitarian would explain that the action of harvesting the organs ofShow MoreRelatedCan Utilitarianism Be Defended Against The Injustice Objection?1361 Words   |  6 PagesCan Utilitarianism be defend ed against the Injustice Objection?    In this essay, I will argue that utilitarianism cannot be defended against the injustice objection. Utilitarians may be able to reply to the injustice objection in some cases by invoking one of two replies, the ‘Long term consequences’ reply, in which utilitarians will avoid unjust actions that increase short-term utility because in the long-term they will not lead to the greatest good. The other reply that may help utilitarianismRead MoreCustomer Perception on Buying House5873 Words   |  24 PagesPrinciples of Ethical Reasoning Adapted from Business Ethics, Concepts and Cases: Manuel Velasquez (2006) Prentice Hall Utilitarianism Utilitarianism is a general term for any view that holds that actions and policies should be evaluated on the basis of the benefits and costs they will impose on society. In any situation, the â€Å"right† action or policy is the one that will produce the greatest net benefits or the lowest net costs (when all alternatives have only net costs). Many businessesRead MoreEssay on Capital Punishment2824 Words   |  12 Pagescommit murder should suffer and be punished for their inexcusable action(s). The principles of retributivism suggest that a convicted murderer should be executed because they â€Å"deserve† and â€Å"have earned† the death sentence. 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A Paper on Euthanasia Free Essays

The term ‘euthanasia’ according to the 2007 guidelines on euthanasia published by the American Veterinary Medical Association is derived from the Greek term eu meaning good and thanato meaning death, combining the two Greek words, euthanasia means good death. However, the definition was applied to animal with the concept that if animals life is to be taken, it should be done with the highest degree of respect and with an emphasis on making death as pain less and distress free as possible. For some patients who had been suffering from illness and had bed ridden for a long period of time, death is better than to live having that kind of situation. We will write a custom essay sample on A Paper on Euthanasia or any similar topic only for you Order Now Some even prayed that God take their lives, as they are themselves tired of their condition so they beg that they had better be dead. I would say that euthanasia is humane act as death is inevitable for everyone. Those who are suffering extreme pain or are brain dead with hopeless chance of survival must be given option be they wished to die. Euthanasia or painless death should be an option for the patient with terminal illness as part of their last will. Generally Euthanasia is the deliberate killing by act of omission of the immediate family member being for the patient alleged benefit. Voluntary euthanasia however means that the person has requested to be killed; physician assisted euthanasia is when doctor assisted the patient to kill him or herself. This subject is a good topic because it is a real ethical issue that the society is facing. Based on the recent development on the study of euthanasia, American doctors find it a competent way of easing a patient of the pain and struggle caused by his or her terminal illness. Ian Dowbiggin pointed out that with diagnosis and prognosis more accurate; physicians were able to with fair probability whether a patient was unlikely to recover (p. 5). Thus, according to Dowbiggin doctors â€Å"could now propose active euthanasia† particularly on patients with hopeless chance of recovery. Evaluation Everyone will surely die but the manner by which death comes differs and at a different age. Euthanasia is truly a good death because patients are first given relief from pain before administering a lethal dose of morphine or chloroform that would allow a painless death of the patient. It is quite common that despite of the modern life saving technology many people are extremely suffering from terminal illness, in which the only thing that technology can do is to prolong the patient’s life, which eventually will also end in death. I believed that the quality of death by euthanasia is one that is with dignity, as the patient’s remaining life was treated with highest degree of respect by emphasizing on painless death. Prolonging the sufferings of patient from terminal illness reduces the quality and dignity of his life and increases the level of the patient’s suffering. In the words of Shai Joshua Lavi, the purpose euthanasia society was to â€Å"relieve needless human suffering† (p. 120) Citing the ESA (Euthanasia society of America) statement, Lavi stated that euthanasia is the lawful termination of human life by painless means for the purpose of avoiding unnecessary suffering under adequate safeguard. However, regardless of the quality of death by euthanasia, it remains morally a criminal act to take someone’s life. Euthanasia is humanistic argument, which view life based on secular perspective. Life is sacred and God has the right to take it back, and euthanasia is not an excuse to escape the consequence of humanity’s sin that made human body vulnerable to disease. Comparing the good and the bad side, the effectiveness and ineffectiveness, its best and its worst, the competency and in competency, and its success and unsuccessfulness, Euthanasia has been widely thought to have bad impact on society rather than good. The proponents of those who favor euthanasia emphasized that it good for terminally ill patient while the greater majority claims euthanasia is a crime on human life. Thus, efforts by proponents of euthanasia were mostly unsuccessful than success. During the earlier period prior to World War I, Dowbiggin noted that many people supports doctors administering euthanasia on terminally ill patient. Perhaps euthanasia’s best were widely recognized than its worst, however with improve technology this has been reversed. In most comparison, today’s generation oppose euthanasia, and cast their opinion against it. Evaluative Claim Looking at the positive and negative aspect of I would say that euthanasia is a better option not only for the patient but also for the love ones who are directly affected by the circumstances surrounding the patient’s illness. With out congress-enacted law on euthanasia, it will remain an ethical debate whether or not it will be allowed. However, based on reality of the situation of terminally ill patient, Euthanasia is a competent option for the benefit of the patient who wished for it. The criteria on which euthanasia has to be administered have been quite clear. Patients with terminal illness and whose chance of survival is hopeless, is suffering from extreme pain, and is begging for his or her death are qualified applicant. According to Derek Humphry, the quality of life is vital and if the body is destroyed by disease that is not worth living (p. 90). Humphry noted that it is an intensely individual decision which should not be thwarted† (p. 90) Evidence that the subject meet the criteria is that those that had assessed or had performed euthanasia in all parts of the world that had been convicted was either paroled, or released. Humphry pointed out that in some strongest places; tolerance for euthanasia appears (p. 4) Evidence suggest that the lack of specific laws of many countries regarding euthanasia, means it meets the criteria. Work Cited Dowbiggin, Ian. A Merciful End: The Euthanasia Movement USA: Oxford University Press, 2003 Humphry, Derek. The Good Euthanasia Guide 2004: Where, What, and Who in Choices in Dying. USA: Norris Lane Press, 2004. Lavi, Joshua Shai. A History of Euthanasia in the United States. USA: Princeton University Press, 2005. AVMA Guidelines on Euthanasia http://www.avma.org/issues/animal_welfare/euthanasia.pdf   June 2007.    How to cite A Paper on Euthanasia, Papers

Development of Noras and Torvalds relationship Essay Example For Students

Development of Noras and Torvalds relationship Essay A Dolls House was initially written towards the nearing of the twentieth century by Henrik Ibsen. A time when time-old tradition and good social behaviors we only tolerated and the family circle was a sacred institution in which both husband and wife lived with certain codes; dignity that was the norm. As a result this play did not receive the welcome it deserved as a reflection of the reality it depicted: deceit, dissatisfaction, lust, misunderstanding; etc. Since the play reflects society the audience can easily relate to the play and thus feel as though they are a part, therefore his writing techniques are noteworthy in relation to the effect it has. Considering the opening of the play in which were given the impression that theyre a happily married couple, a family of love. Both supporting one another, living an honest life where Helmer is presented as being the prefect husband and Nora the perfect wife. I believe Ibsen has been able to skillfully set about the play in a manner that makes us believe there is a somewhat a tranquil atmosphere. This later can be contrasted against the developing sinister truths that emerge with regards their relationship; could quite possibly draw attention to the problems as dramatically and seemingly a small issue a couple that have been married for eight years split each going their separate ways. Healthful relationships of that of a husband and a wife have certain features and characteristics and a relationship one like that of a father and a child between the couple cant be reflective of those features and as a result cant be good for the marriage. With Nora from the outset pretending to be the submissive darling wife to her husband has but left the audience understanding her true nature. Shes anything but a prefect wife and could pass of as a wife-in-training or a juvenile as shes also seem in her husbands eyes, but to him decorated in his eyes of lust. Pops the bag of Macaroons in her pocket and wipes her mouth, determined to get rid of all evidence from her husband that she has been secretly indulging in contraband sweet. A grown women sharing a vaguely innocent trait as that of a child, in the same scene Helmer goes over to her and takes her playfully by the ear its as if he is the dominant one, as if hes the father and Nora the blissful child. But Nora isnt all that green and takes advantage of his paternalism because it may seem that she enjoys being a spoiled little child who is a little spendthrift. Helmer and Nora are both dominant in their relationship although one more power in their own domain, with Helmer is his capability of bringing money in the relationship, hes the bread-winner, hes just been made vice-president of the bank and hell be getting a big salary and lots of percentages, talking boastfully of her husbands new found wealth Nora goes on to her friend. Therefore it quite easy to see his control over Nora financially. Nora acknowledges the fact she knows he prides himself on his achievements and capabilities as she says hes so proud of being a man itd be so painful and humiliating to know he owed anything to me. It would completely wreck our relationship. The above claim also is indicative of the fact Noras behavior may be due to in keeping with her husbands need of maintaining his egocentric self importance. She also shows shes not all that naive and insightful as she shows knowledge of the importance for her to feel important and the consequence this life we have built together would no longer exist. This suggests their relation is superficial with not strong foundation of trust, true understating and love. Still, its not fair to conclude that Nora doesnt have as much to benefit as does Helmer form the way their relationship is although it will not be long-lasting. She uses her beauty, her seductive powers in order to win over her husband. .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 , .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .postImageUrl , .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 , .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:hover , .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:visited , .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:active { border:0!important; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:active , .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647 .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u6b6782731f2555ef85d08bdbd6b77647:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Child development EssayPlays with his coat button; not looking at him and then she throws her arms around his neck. Nora in this regard I believe to be very clever, her ability to fulfill her desire and want financially is incredible but it also more than that. When it no longer pleases him to see me dance and dress up and play the fool for him it might be useful to have something up my sleeves. Therefore Nora is doing it for as long as it last and just trying to get her cut. And as a result shes not hundred percent devoted to her husband never the less she still loves her family. Its in the third scene we starts to see a different side to both Nora and Helmer. He says of her my most treasured possession one whom he can exploit and use seems he possess her. When I saw you dance the Tarantella like huntress a temptress my blood grew hot I seized you and dragged you down The feeling a child and parent like relationship is lost in his scene and strength off a womans sexual affinity to a man. The little squirrel or sky lark or songbird was suddenly transformed right before his eyes into a distractingly beautiful young women. In this act the artificial curtain of innocence is lifted and it comes under the spot light and the truth is revealed and Helmer no longer sees Nora as a child but a women. Showing he truly different love her just what she represented, beauty, fantasy and practically served as amusement, without any strings attached and trouble-free. In eight whole years we have never exchanged a serious word on a serious subject. This is when truth was revealed and their long awaited characteristics were finally defined at this climax. And its after this point they have their first and final talk at first it seemed to all fun and games now its serious he even dares to refer to her as a wretched women. All those childlike references were gone and Helmers real side revealed. He believes that she should take responsibility for what she has done; he no longer wants to protect her. His good name meant more to him than his wife. People may think I was behind it I may quite easily be suspected. Its after this point all goes bad, Im saved the exclaims in relief and tries to reverse the mood that destroyed an eight year old marriage. He goes back to calling her poor little Nora moreover he says lean on me but Nora finally understands the truth and what she has to do. She says I can no longer be married to such a man, not out of spite for him but in order to discover herself. Yes, Torvald. Ive changed, says Nora. This is clear Nora has grown up the little skylark; little bird has spread her wings for the first time. She has sudden new opinions of herself, no longer will she simply over taste in everything, she wants her own memory so to speak. She believes shes been your doll wife and at the cost of sacrificing her childrens relationship to order to discover herself. Torvald is left in the middle. To conclude, it would be fair to say that their relationship has not at all developed in a posative way. And great revelations have been made with regards to the truth of twentieth century marriages.

Ancient Remains †Fossil DNA of Former Life

Ancient Remains – Fossil DNA of Former Life News that scientists had recovered actual marrow from a dinosaur fossil aroused much amazement. But the achievement is not a surprise. In fact, it doesnt even set a new record for the oldest pieces of life. Most of us think of fossils as dead things that have been petrified, turned to stone. But that doesnt have to be. The actual bodies of once-living things can escape being petrified for a very long time under the right conditions. A fossil is defined as any evidence of life from the prehistoric or geologic past that is preserved in the Earths crust. A prejudice against preservation may have kept scientists from looking for meat in the ancient bones, but now we know better, and a race is on to find ever-older tissues. Creatures in Ice Ãâ€"tzi, the 5,000-year-old ice man found in an Alpine glacier in 1991, is the best-known example of a frozen fossil. Mammoths and other extinct polar animals are also known from permafrost. These fossils are not as pretty as the food in your freezer, as they undergo a kind of slow mummification in the frozen condition. Its a geologic version of freezer burn in which ice migrates out of the tissues into the surroundings. Frozen bison bones nearly 60,000 years old were analyzed in 2002, yielding DNA fragments and bone proteins that could be compared to existing species. Mammoth hair turns out to be even better than bones for preserving DNA. But Antarctica holds the record in this field, with microbes in deep ice that are 8 million years old. Dried Remains The desert preserves dead matter by desiccation. Ancient humans have been naturally mummified this way, such as the 9,000-year-old Nevadan known as Spirit Cave Man. Older material is preserved by various desert packrats, which have the habit of making piles of plant matter cemented into rock-hard bricks by their viscous urine. When preserved in dry caves, these packrat middens can last tens of thousands of years. The beauty of packrat middens is that they can yield deep environmental data about the American West during the late Pleistocene: vegetation, climate, even the cosmic radiation of the times. Similar middens are being studied in other parts of the world. Even the remains of extinct creatures still exist in dried form. Mammoths are most famous for their permafrost carcasses, but mammoth dung is known from desiccated specimens. Amber Of course Jurassic Park put amber in the public consciousness with its plot based on the idea of retrieving dinosaur DNA from blood-sucking insects trapped in amber. But progress toward that movies scenario is slow and possibly stopped. Lots of different creatures are documented from amber, from frogs and insects to bits of plants. But the published DNA retrievals have not yet been duplicated. Perfect Fossils In a few places plant matter has been preserved in sediment for many millions of years. The Clarkia beds of northern Idaho are between 15 and 20 million years old, putting their origin in the Miocene Epoch. Tree leaves can be split from these rocks still displaying their seasonal colors, green or red. Biochemicals including lignins, flavonoids,  and aliphatic polymers can be extracted from these fossils, and DNA fragments are known from fossil liquidambar, magnolias and tulip trees (Liriodendron). The current champions in this field are the Eocene dawn-redwood forests of Axel Heiberg Island, in the Canadian Arctic. For about 50 million years the stumps, logs, and foliage of these trees have been preserved almost totally unmineralized, thanks to swift burial in conditions that kept oxygen out. Today this fossil wood lies on the ground, ready to pick up and burn. Tourists and coal miners alike threaten this scientific treasure. Dinosaur Marrow Mary Schweitzer, the North Carolina State University professor who documented soft tissues  in Tyrannosaurus rex leg bones, has been exploring biomolecules in ancient fossils for several years. The presence of those in the 68-million-year-old bones was not the oldest of her finds, but actual tissues of this age are unprecedented. The discovery challenges our notions of how fossils form. Surely more examples will be found, perhaps in existing museum specimens. Salt Microbes A startling Nature paper in 2000 reported the revival of bacterial spores from a brine pocket in a salt crystal in a Permian salt bed in New Mexico, some 250 million years old. Naturally, the claim brought criticism: the laboratory or the salt bed was contaminated, and in any case, the DNA of the microbes (the genus Virgibacillus) was too close a match to more recent species. But the discoverers have defended their technique and raised other ​​scenarios  for the DNA evidence. And in the April 2005 Geology they published evidence from the salt itself, showing that it (1) matches what we know of Permian seawater and (2) appears to date from the time of the salts formation, not a later event. For now, this bacillus holds the title of Earths oldest living fossil.

102 Monsters and Purpose Professor Ramos Blog

102 Monsters and Purpose Quick Write Quick Write Which Monster theories apply to your monster? Purpose of Evaluations Let’s look at an example evaluation for a movie. The Hunger Games: EW Review Lisa Schwarzbaum is reviewing â€Å"The Hunger Games† movie. Does she acknowledge what her mission is and who her audience is? What criteria does she establish for it to succeed? Does she anticipate her audience’s questions and reactions? Does she address any differences between the book and movie? What is her grade or judgment of the movie? Dracula Untold 2014 Roger Ebert Review In small groups, answer these questions. How does he introduce us to the topic? What is the purpose of each paragraph? How does he evaluate the movie? What is the final verdict? Peer Review Critical Thinking Clarity of Thought Analysis and Thesis Images and Title MLA and

Influence of Buddhism on Japanese Architecture Essay

Influence of Buddhism on Japanese Architecture - Essay Example The architectural design of Buddhist temples that were introduced in Japan followed the traditional forms that been developed in Korea and China. A number of buildings that made up seven structures were to be found within one compound. These structures included among others the main hall, pagoda, repository for sutras, lecture hall, bell tower, dining hall and dormitory with a wall made of clay enclosing the compound with each of the sides having a gate. In this arrangement, the main object of worship was placed in the main hall with the lecture hall which was construction being used by the monks as study place, religious instructions or for performing various religious rituals. There were also towers in the compound, one housing the bells used for announcing religious daily functions while there was also a tower that housed canonical texts therefore acting as a sutra repository. The dormitories and the mess hall were located either to the sides or behind the inner grounds.Although t he earlier forms of architecture that had been in existence before introduction of Buddhism utilized wood as the main construction martial, introduction of the religion by the Chinese led to novel approaches in the way wood technology was applied in construction. Before the entrance of temple architecture introduced in Japan by Buddhism, there existed simple forms of beam and post technology explored in the design and construction of various structures. This was an important aspect considering the buildings were constructed in a land.

How can we see architecture as a form or median that merges humanity Thesis

How can we see architecture as a form or median that merges humanity and nature - Thesis Example 122). Since time immemorial, several societies of the world have been known to honor sculptures and other forms of architectural designs as their gods; the Chinese and ancient Japanese societies being the best point of reference. As a matter of fact, their places of worship had specific architectural designs. This was evidence enough of the close relationship that existed between architecture and humanity (Brebbia, 2012, p. 71). Before the World War I, architectural designs were not necessarily buildings. Monuments stood in large cities and significant laces like museums and attraction sites. They added to the beauty of sceneries and made nature admirable. That notwithstanding, these designs reminded people of the significance of nature and. They were also a direct reminder of the fact that nature ought to be protected by humanity. For this reason, people remained connected with nature courtesy of the architectural designs of the times. The warm relationship between nature and architecture began deteriorating after the Second World War and the cold war that came thereafter. The Great Depression of the United States of America also contributed to the degradation of the closeness that existed between nature and architecture. People were more oriented to business and improving their economic statuses as opposed to observing the importance of nature. Every architectural design began to take the direction of business. The architectural designs of this period and periods that followed were therefore no longer associated with neither nature nor humanity but how people would get money out of them. This then marked the beginning of the disconnection between nature, humanity and architecture. Humanity and nature have lost connection and this can be seen from the early periods of romanticism in which there was a protest against the impending scientific rationalization of nature. This was dated to the 18th century

Liberal Intergovernmentalism

Liberal Intergovernmentalism What choice for Europe? Reflections on agency and structure in Liberal Intergovernmentalism ABSTRACT This article examines how the relationship between agency and structure is dealt with in Liberal Intergovernmentalism, a prevailing theory of European integration. It demonstrates that, contrary to the widespread view that it is agency-centred, Liberal Intergovernmentalism is in fact a highly structuralist theory in the issue areas it claims to explain best. In these areas integration is ultimately explained in terms of developments in economic structures, leaving no room for agency and ideas. The article also shows that, despite the importance it ascribes to changes in economic structures, Liberal Intergovernmentalism fails to theorise their possible causes. Keywords: Liberal Intergovernmentalism; Moravcsik; Agency; Structure; Integration theory Over the past two decades Andrew Moravcsiks Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) has established itself as one of the prevailing theories of European integration. Elegantly combining a liberal theory of preference formation with an intergovernmentalist theory of interstate bargains and a functional theory of institutional choice it explains European integration as the outcome of a series of intergovernmental negotiations. More than any other contemporary theory of integration LI and its application in empirical analyses has provoked discussion in the field of EU studies. Opinions are divided between those who admire LI for its parsimony and predictive power and those who feel that its account of regional integration misses out on too much of importance. Either way, hardly anyone would dispute that it continues to be a theory that it is necessary to relate to in one way or another in theoretically informed work on European integration. The purpose of this article is to critically examine the liberal intergovernmentalist explanation of integration from a meta-theoretical perspective. More precisely, it will be systematically analysed how the relationship between agency and structure is dealt with in LI. Any theorys account of the social world, or delimited parts of it, is based on a particular, albeit often implicit, conceptualisation of the agency-structure relationship and whether or not this conceptualisation is convincing impacts greatly on the quality of the theorys account of social phenomena and change. There is thus much to be learned about a theory, in this case LI, from examining its underlying assumptions with respect to agency and structure. This is even more so because appearances can be deceiving: as it will be argued in this article, LI which appears and is widely assumed to offer an agency-centred account of European integration, turns out to do the opposite on closer scrutiny. In addition to this introduction and a conclusion the article is divided into seven sections. The first two sections set the stage for later analyses by briefly introducing LI and the question of the agency-structure relationship, while also accounting for their respective significance. The following three sections examine how the agency-structure question is dealt with at each of the three stages of LI: preference formation, interstate bargaining and institutional choice. Against this background section six critically examines the liberal intergovernmentalist explanation of European integration before section seven discusses the political implications of LI. 1. Liberal Intergovernmentalism Andrew Moravcsiks Liberal intergovernmentalism (LI) was first presented in the early 1990s and later elaborated and applied in a string of publications of which the monumental book The Choice for Europe (1998) contains the most detailed exposition and test of the theory. LI is presented as a framework for synthesising theories into a coherent account of regional integration. The latter is explained as the result of ‘a series of celebrated intergovernmental bargains (Moravcsik, 1993: 473). More precisely integration is seen as the outcome of a three-stage process where: (1) national interests or goals arise in the context of domestic politics; (2) governments bargain with each other to further their national interest; and (3) governments make an institutional choice to secure credible commitment once a substantive agreement has been reached. LI quickly became a focal point in debates on how to theorise European integration and it has subsequently kept this position. According to Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig (2009: 67), LI ‘has acquired the status of a â€Å"baseline theory† in the study of regional integration: an essential first cut explanation against which other theories are often compared. In their view, ‘it has achieved this dominant status due to its theoretical soundness, empirical power, and utility as a foundation for synthesis with other explanations (2009: 67). To be sure, not everyone would agree with this latter sentiment. As alluded to in the introduction, several scholars have criticised the theory for painting a too incomplete or even misleading picture of the European integration process and the ‘empirical power of the resulting analyses has often been questioned (e.g. Diez, 1999; Smith, 2000; Wincott, 1995; see also Cini, 2007: 112-14 for an overview of some critiques of LI). In asmuch as relatively few scholars besides Moravcsik appear to wholeheartedly embrace LI (Pollack, 2001; however, cf. Laursen, 2002), it is probably fair to say that it has acquired its status as a â€Å"baseline theory† as much because of its perceived weaknesses as because of its strengths. Similar to Waltzs (1979) neorealism LI is a parsimonious and bold theory that lends itself to accusations of neglecting or underestimating the significance of important parameters in the case of LI for instance transnational business groups and activist supranational institutions. Indeed, LI does this deliberately, seeking ‘to simplify EU politics, stressing the essential and excluding certain secondary activities (Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig, 2009: 68). Hereby it follows the neo-positivist recipe for theory construction, according to which theories should take the form of simplified models that can support efforts to make generalisations by singling out as few variables as possible and account for the causal relations between, and the relative weight of, these variables. Falsifiable hypothesises are derived from such theories and subsequently tested against reliable empirical data. On the basis of such tests, theories can then be further refined or occasionally discarded. (1 ) Testing LI is precisely what Moravcsik sets out to do in The Choice for Europe. Here standardised hypotheses derived from LI and competing (albeit for the most part artificial) theories are tested against an overwhelming amount of empirical data in five cases studies. Needless to say, LI comes out on top as the theory with the by far greatest explanatory power. More generally, The Choice for Europe constitutes an example par excellence of research informed by neo-positivist methods and standards. In its early pages Moravcsik informs his readership that the book ‘eschews ad hoc explanation and seeks instead to discover what is generalizable about EC history (1998: 2) and that it ‘is based on methods which, while far from ideal, generate more rigorous, transparent, objective, and reliable tests of competing theoretical claims about European integration than have heretofore been conducted (1998: 10). The bulk of studies of EC decision-making are criticised for biased data se lection and for relying on ‘citations to secondary sources themselves drawn from journalistic commentary or still other secondary sources (1998: 10). In contrast to this, Moravcsik claims to have backed ‘potentially controversial attribution of motive or strategy †¦ by â€Å"hard† primary sources (direct evidence of decision-making) rather than â€Å"soft† or secondary sources (1998: 10, see also pp. 80-84). (2) 2. Agency and structure The question of how to conceptualise the relationship between agency and structure is arguably one of the most important questions facing social scientists (Archer, 1995: 65). This is due to the importance of agency and structures in the social world and to the fact that it is impossible to offer explanations of events in the social world without appealing to some understanding of their relationship. As mentioned in the introduction there is thus much to be learned about the nature and quality of substantive theories from examining their underlying assumptions with respect to this relationship. Yet the way the latter is dealt with is also important for political reasons, to which we will come back in section 7 below. â€Å"Agency† denotes the ability of agents, whether individuals or groups, to act upon situations and it ‘implies a sense of free will, choice or autonomy that the actor could have behaved differently (Hay, 2002: 94). Agency should thus not be confused wit h concepts like â€Å"individuals†, â€Å"actors† or â€Å"agents†: without anticipating the conclusions of this article too much, a theory can refer to plenty of agents, while not allowing for any agency. â€Å"Structure†, on the other hand, refers to the relational context within which agents operate. Structures define the range of options available to agents. Nowadays the vast majority of scholars agree that both agency and structure matter: phenomena and developments in the social world issue not from either one or the other but are a product of both. If this is the case then it is necessary to break with the two ways of conceptualising the relation between agency and structure that have traditionally been dominant within social theory, namely structuralism and individualism. In their pure versions these positions either picture agents as marionettes (structuralism) or as omnipotent puppet-masters (individualism) (Archer, 1995; XXXXX). However, knowing that both agency and structure matter does not in itself take us far. To make a difference the insight needs to be incorporated into substantive theories and this is by no means an easy task. This contributes to explain why many theories end up offering reductionist explanations of the specific social phenomena they are meant to render intelligible. In the discipline of International Relations (IR) a debate over the â€Å"agent-structure problem† was initiated in the late 1980s by scholars such as Wendt (1987) and Hollis and Smith (1990). Later, and certainly no less interesting contributions to this debate included Doty (1997), Bieler and Morton (2001) and Wight (2006). The debate has done much to clarify and in many cases criticise the ontological and epistemological assumptions underlying mainstream IR theories, particularly Waltzian neorealism (Waltz, 1979). In EU Studies a similar debate has not taken place, and although in particular some constructivist scholars, have taken an interest in the agency-structure relationship (e.g. Wind, 2001), a comprehensive study of the way the most important theories of European integration and governance deal with it has yet to be published. However, it seems to be a widespread view among EU scholars that many of these theories privilege agency over structure. For instance, Risse ( 2004: 161) writes that the ‘prevailing theories of European integration whether neofunctionalism, liberal intergovernmentalism, or â€Å"multi-level governance† are firmly committed to a rationalist ontology which is agency-centred by definition. In a similar vein, other scholars have noticed ‘the ahistorical and structure-blind assumptions underlying intergovernmentalism (Hix, 1994: 9) and observed that in LI ‘agents are, implicitly or explicitly, considered primary actors ultimately determine the shape of overall structures (Christiansen, 1998: 103). In the next sections, the validity of this widespread view will be examined through an analysis of the way the agency-structure relationship is dealt with at each of the three stages in LI. 3. National preference formation The first stage in explaining the outcome of intergovernmental bargains is to account for the national preferences, which are defined as ‘an ordered and weighted set of values placed on future substantive outcomes †¦ that might result from international political interaction (Moravcsik, 1998: 24). This is done by means of a liberal political economy theory of preference formation, according to which national preferences arise in the context of domestic politics, where national government leaders form them on the basis of the preferences and actions of the most important societal groups. Most important among these are domestic producers: ‘The systematic political bias in favor of existing producer groups and against those, notably consumers, taxpayers, third-country producers, and also potential future producers, stems from the formers more intense, certain, and institutionally represented and organized interests (1998: 36). The state is conceptualised as ‘a rep resentative institution constantly subject to capture and recapture by societal groups (Moravcsik, 1997: 518). Because governments have an interest in remaining in office, they need the support from coalitions of domestic actors. The policies pursued by governments are ‘therefore constrained by the underlying identities, interests, and power of individuals and groups †¦ who constantly pressure the central decision makers to pursue politics consistent with their preferences (ibid: 518). In other words, ‘[g]roups articulate preferences; governments aggregate them and it is through this process that ‘the set of national interests or goals that states bring to international negotiations emerges (Moravcsik, 1993: 483). To evaluate the way the agency-structure relationship is dealt with at this stage in LI it is clearly crucial to understand the origins of the preferences of societal groups. Some of the early critics of LI suggested that the theory fails to account adequately for this. For instance, it was pointed out that ‘the origins of such interests are exogenized (Risse-Kappen, 1996: 56) while others claimed that in LI ‘interests are not structurally derived (Caporaso and Keeler, 1995: 44) and even that they ‘emerge mysteriously (McSweeney, 1998: 101). Had it in fact been the case that LI leaves completely open the question of where the preferences of societal groups come from it would have allowed for an agency-centred perspective on preference formation. That is, preferences could have been formed on the basis of all sorts of ideas and individual inclinations. However, this would have seriously undermined the parsimony and explanatory power of the theory and hence it was in fact never left open where preferences come from. As Moravcsik has made clear, LI perceives preferences to be directly caused by structural circumstances, more precisely economic structures: ‘I employ a structural theory of those preferences. My structural approach†¦employs trade flows, competitiveness, inflation rates, and other data to predict what the economic preferences of societal actors and therefore governments should be (Moravcsik, 1999b: 377). In other words, economic preferences are derived from economic structures: societal groups organise and articulate their preferences ‘on the basis of calculations of net expected costs and benefits resulting from the introduction of new policies (Moravcsik, 1993: 489). It follows as a logical implication that ‘shifts in preferences should follow the onset and precede the resolution of shifts or trends in economic circumstances (Moravcsik, 1998: 50). The assumption that economic structures translate directly into specific preferences is made possible by the rationality assumption underpinning LI. The widespread view that LI is agency-centred is related to this assumption that individuals, groups, governments and even states are rational. This begs the question of what â€Å"rationalism† precisely entails, especially as some scholars have suggested that Moravcsik fails to spell this clearly out (Christiansen et al., 2001: 4). In a recent piece Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig (2009: 68) put it as follows: ‘Rationalism is an individualist or agency assumption. Actors calculate the alternative courses of action and choose the one that maximizes (or satisfies) their utility under the circumstances. Collective outcomes are explained as the result of aggregated individual actions based on efficient pursuit albeit subject to the information at hand and uncertainty about the future. Despite the qualifications at the end of the quote it is clear that whatever this uncertainty pertains to it is not to the consequences of the actions of agents: agents are assumed to be very well-informed about these because, as Moravcsik has put it himself, in ‘a world in which the future consequences of actions are unknown †¦ LI would make little sense (1995: 626). This is an important manifestation, because the more it is assumed that agents know the future consequences of their actions, the more it must also be assumed that they are fully informed about the context in which they currently find themselves. It is quite simply logically inconceivable that an agent can somehow know the future consequences of his or her actions without having perfect or very close to perfect information at hand at the moment of the action itself. Moravcsik is thus significantly underplaying the strength of his rationality assumption when stating that ‘it takes no position on whether states are fully informed, though a framework in which states are assumed to be informed generally performs well (1998: 23). Why not walk the plank? Surely states and other agents can safely be assumed to be blessed full information if it has already been established that no or very few unintended consequences will follow from their actions? At the end of the day the rationality assumption boils down to the view that agents are utility-maximisers with clearly ordered preferences who are (almost?) fully informed, also about the future consequences of actions. However, it should not be concluded from this that LI is an agency-centred theory as the conventional wisdom has it. As we have seen above, preferences are derived from economic structures not just in the weak sense that structures are important in relation to preferences but in the strong sense that they alone dictate preferences (albeit with a minor qualification to which we will return in a moment). Because the rational agents are assumed to be so well-informed their actions become predictable once their structural environment has been mapped. Indeed, only structures matter here inasmuch as ‘[p]references are by definition causally independent of the strategies of other actors (Moravcsik, 1997: 519, see also 1998: 24-25). Moreover, ideas are for the most part not allowed to play any role in relation to preference formation. It is worth dwelling on this for a moment. On one hand, Moravcsik does not hesitate to acknowledge the importance of ideas, as when he proclaims that they ‘are like oxygen or language; it is essentially impossible for humans to function without them (Moravcsik, 2001: 229). On the other hand, ideas do not play a very prominent role in LI, which is also recognized by Moravcsik when he writes that ‘[i]n the LI account of integration, ideas are present but not causally central. They may be irrelevant or random, or, more likely, they are â€Å"transmission belts† for interests (Moravcsik, 2001: 229). The only reason why Moravcsik can correctly maintain that in LI ‘[s]ome national preferences are grounded in ideas (1998: 23) is because some importance is ascribed to the latter in issue areas where the material consequences of policy initiatives are more or less impossible to calculate. For instance, he mentions ‘questions of European institutions and common foreign policy as issues where governments/states will generally not to be under strong pressure from societal groups to pursue particular policies, which creates some room for government leaders to act on the basis of ‘ideologies and personal commitments (Moravcsik, 1993: 494; see also Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig, 2009: 85). According to Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig (2009: 76), ‘LI best explains policy-making in issue areas where social preferences are relatively certain and well defined. In the core areas, like trade, agriculture and monetary policy, ideas are not assumed to influence preference formation at all. When it comes to ‘insignificant, exceptional and speculative issues like those mentioned above or the Open Method of Coordination (ibid.: 85) where the preferences of societal groups are less clear and strong, and where the explanatory power of LI is thus recognised to be limited, ideas are conveniently allowed to play a role. To recapitulate, in LI no importance is ascribed to ideas in the explanation of what is (correctly) considered to be the ‘substantively important issues (ibid.: 85) in the European integration process: here economic structures do the job alone. (3) 4. International bargains Once the national preferences have been formulated, national decision-makers bring them to the intergovernmental bargaining table. At this second stage LI applies an intergovernmentalist bargaining theory in order to explain the outcome of negotiations. As the primary interest of the governments is to remain in office, they have a clear incentive to defend the national interest in the negotiation. Accordingly, ‘[t]he configuration of domestically determined national preferences defines a â€Å"bargaining space† of potentially viable agreements (Moravcsik, 1993: 496-497). The outcome of a concrete negotiation, however, not only reflects the different national preferences but also the relative bargaining power of different states. Moravcsik defines power in terms of asymmetric interdependence: ‘Bargaining leverage stems most fundamentally from asymmetries in the relative intensity of national preferences, which reflect †¦ the relative costs of agreements to remo ve negative externalities (ibid.: 1993: 499). This means that ‘[t]he power of each government is inversely proportional to the relative value that it places on an agreement (Moravcsik, 1998: 62). How, then, is the agency-structure relationship dealt with at this second stage? Or to put it differently: how much freedom does government leaders have to pursue their own preferences or ideas (agency) and how much are they constrained by their context (structure)? First, the answer to this question depends on the issue area. As mentioned, governments are severely constrained by domestic societal groups in core areas: here they can only act within a narrow â€Å"bargaining space† which limits their freedom considerably. In more marginal (non-economic) issue areas this space widens and government leaders enjoy more freedom to pursue their own agendas. Second, any particular government is constrained by the bargaining spaces of other governments. The nature of these determines the extent to which a government leader is capable of realising national interests. Finally, the outcomes of previous bargains serve as the status quo ‘with respect to which societal actors and gove rnments calculate preferences and alternatives to agreement (Moravcsik, 1995: 612). As mentioned above, the outcome of a concrete bargain reflects the relative bargaining power of each state. As bargaining power is defined in terms of asymmetric interdependence it is, in fact, derived from the very same structures as national preferences. These structures determine how attractive a potential policy is to societal groups and thus governments and consequently they also determine the relative bargaining power. Relative power is thus ultimately decided at the structural level not at the level of agents. This brings us back to the point that was raised in the previous section, namely that the rationality assumption underpinning LI does not serve to render it an agency-centred theory. To be sure, there are plenty of agents in LI, and there is no denying that the theory belongs to the tradition of â€Å"methodological individualism†. But by substituting real agents with ‘calculating machines who always know what they want and are never uncertain about the f uture and even their own stakes and interests (Risse, 2009: 147), LI effectively ends up with no notion of agency at all, at least not in its account of integration in core issue areas. That it is apparently unnecessary to study the interaction between state representatives in order to explain the outcome of a bargain tells it all: the creativity, charisma, persuasiveness and negotiating abilities of particular agents are insignificant in LI. By assuming that agents are identical in the sense of being rational it is possible to derive the outcome of bargains simply by looking at the context in which it takes place. This makes LI a structuralist theory also in its second stage. To be sure, the structuralism of LI differs from conventional structuralism inasmuch as the former retains a focus on agents and their free choices. But the point is that the â€Å"methodological individualism† of LI and other rational choice theories does not entail a genuine notion of agency in that a free choice is neither free nor, indeed, a real choice, if it is always already given by the context in which the agent operates (see also Hay, 2002: 103-104; Tsebelis, 1990: 40). (4) 5. Institutional choice Once governments have reached substantive agreement in a bargain, they set up institutional arrangements in order to secure it. At this third stage LI adopts a functional theory of institutional choice according to which governments pool or delegate authority in order to ‘constrain and control one another (Moravcsik, 1998: 9). Authority is â€Å"pooled† when governments for instance agree to take decisions in an issue area by means of qualified majority voting in the Council, whereas â€Å"delegation† refers to the transfer of authority to more or less autonomous supranational institutions (ibid.: 1998: 67). Pooling and delegation are ‘viewed as solutions to the problem of â€Å"incomplete contracting,† which arises when member governments share broad goals but find it too costly or technically impossible to specify all future contingencies involved in legislating or enforcing those goals (ibid.: 1998: 73). By pooling or delegating, the credibility of the commitment to the substantive agreement that has been reached is enhanced. But by giving up authority in an issue area governments clearly run the risk of being either outvoted by other governments (pooling) or of being overruled by supranational institutions (delegation) in future cases. Hence, ‘[t]he specific level of pooling or delegation reflects a reciprocal cost-benefit analysis: governments renounce unilateral options in order to assure that all governments will coordinate their behavior in particular ways (ibid.: 1998: 75). LI predicts that pooling and delegation will vary across issues and countries. Again, the preferences of societal groups are crucial: ‘Governments transfer sovereignty to commit other governments to accept policies favored by key domestic constituencies (ibid.: 1998: 76). As accounted for above the preferences of societal groups are seen as structurally determined, at least in the core issue area s. In the end the governments institutional choices thus become rather mechanical, following more or less automatically from the circumstances in which they are made. According to LI, international institutions are ‘passive, transaction-cost reducing sets of rules (Moravcsik, 1993: 508) that for instance serve to provide states with information ‘to reduce the states uncertainty about each others future preferences and behaviour (Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig, 2009: 72). Somewhat surprisingly, Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig link the existence of such institutions to â€Å"unanticipated consequences† of actions, proclaiming that LI also assumes the existence of the latter: ‘If unanticipated consequences did not exist, there would be no need for international institutions to elaborate â€Å"incomplete contracts† to begin with. The reason for institutions is precisely to elaborate agreements and credibly lock in compliance against defection by future unsatisfied governments (2009: 75). This, to be sure, is a somewhat unorthodox and problematic use of the concept. When, for instance, historical institutionalists are talking about unintended or unanticipated consequences in the context of European integration, their argument is that supranational institutions and policies tend to develop in ways not originally envisaged and subsequently not approved of by member state governments (Pierson, 1996). Due to â€Å"path dependency† and other mechanisms such institutions and the course of the integration process can become impossible for governments to control. Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig clearly have something altogether different in mind when they talk about unanticipated consequences. In fact, what they are talking about can more accurately be denoted ‘anticipated but undesired outcomes. These arise when rational governments anticipate that there is a risk that other rational governments will not comply with the substantive agreement that has been reached in an intergovernmental bargain. To avoid this undesired outcome governments agree on an institutional arrangement to create certainty. On this view, institutions (being ‘passive, transaction-cost reducing sets of rules) only contribute to minimise uncertainty by eliminating the risk of undesired outcomes (see also Moravcsik and Schimmelfennig, 2009: 72) it is unthinkable that they can develop and behave in ways not intended by governments. At the end of the day, it is not unintended consequences that LI assumes the existence of but rather the ability of governments to ver y accurately predict the consequences of their substantive agreement and on this basis chose the most suitable institutional agreements. This dubious assumption can obviously only be made if it is held, as LI does, that agents are blessed with more or less perfect information, also of future outcomes of their actions (see also Pierson, 2004: 115-XXX). 6. What choice for Europe? ‘the motivations and coalitions underlying national preferences in specific decisions reflected the economic interest of sectors as predicted by their structural position in global markets †¦ any feedback must take the form of changes in economic structures, not ideas (Moravcsik, 1999b: 382) The liberal intergovernmentalist explanation of regional integration ultimately comes down to developments in economic structures and it is therefore logical and appropriate that Moravcsik (1998: 501) refers to it as a ‘structural perspective. Although the concept of â€Å"economic structures† is not defined as clearly as other LI concepts, it basically appears to denote the phenomena that economic indicators are expressions of, examples being trade flows, inflation rates, wealth and competitiveness. The method is thus to use economic indicators as expressions of the economic structures determining the preferences of agents. For instance it reads that ‘Taken together, capital mobility, trade flows, and inflationary convergence provide a prima facie explanation of the progressive shift in national preferences away from, then back toward, exchange-rate cooperation over the two decades following the collapse of the Bretton Woods. This period saw an increase in economic openness and, beginning in the late 1970s, convergence toward low inflation (Moravcsik, 1998: 48) But what caused this and other shifts in economic circumstances? What explains the timing of such shifts? Considering the enormous importance it ascribes to economic structures it would be completely reasonable to expect LI to address and tentatively provide a theoretical answer to such questions. But it doesnt! In all fairness, Moravcsik

Should Governments Sponsor Gambling?

Should Governments Sponsor Gambling? The government is now sponsoring gambling to raise revenues. By 2002 government-sponsored gambling brought in 11 billion dollars! â€Å"Winning means a life of luxury and happiness,† is only one of the many slogans the government uses to advertise gambling. Gambling has a lot of pros as to the economy and employing more citizens but it has a lot of cons as well. Should governments sponsor gambling? The answer is no! Governments should not sponsor gambling because it is a total money grab, it feeds gambling addictions, and it destroys families and exploits Canadian citizens.Gambling can be an expensive waste of time. Gambling is a complete money grab. Statistics show that the average household spends about $300 per year on gaming. The chances of winning the lottery are slim to none. The government promise a greater life if you win, but with chances that are extremely low, it is highly unrealistic. Gambling is a form of entertainment that giv es you hope for something. This can be dangerous as it can lead to over spending or dull judgement. Alcohol is mostly always associated with gambling.This can add to the high expense and even sway your choice to spend more and more. Many people say that the government should not sponsor an activity that can be strongly addictive. Statistics show that 3. 1 percent of Ontario’s population are Problem gamblers. â€Å"Ontario derives a huge portion of it's gaming revenue from problem gambler's. Therefore, government-sponsored gambling is contrary to the interest of the general populace, and therefore contrary to the purpose of the government. † Robert Williams, University of Lethbridge, Alberta, November 2004 .Government sponsored gambling feeds an unhealthy addiction that many people can have. These addictions can lead to theft and even suicide. Gambling is just like any other addiction, it completely takes over the person's life. This can affect your family and marriage. Always being at the slots or casino's funded by the government can make you lose quality time with your family. It can financially hurt you and hurt your family in the long run. Government-sponsored gambling is causing problems with your person life. It will exploit you for more and more money.It constantly brain washes you with it's advertisement of the amazing times you will have and how much better your life will be. This is not true. These people chase their losses by risking more money, thinking that somehow persistence will pay off. It rarely does. They suffer from depression, anxiety, financial and family breakdown. Governments should not sponsor gambling. It is a big money grab, it is highly addictive, and it can tear apart families. Gambling has an ill affect towards canadian citizens. The government says gambling is a form of entertainment.With such a low chance of winning, how is loosing money fun? In gambling, many people inherit a sense of hope. The small chance that y ou might win and go out with more money than you came with. This is an unlogical probability but, everyone is driven by this hope that they might win. Gambling does bring a lot of jobs and boosts our economy, but the problem to balance responsible gambling with generating profits to the economy. Impossible maybe but, better efforts have to be made so that gambling doesn’t take over canadians.

Accreditation and Private Prisons Essay

According to the American Correctional Association website, accreditation can be define as â€Å"a system of verification that correctional agencies/facilities comply with national standards promulgated by the American Correctional Association† (â€Å"Standards & Accreditation†, n.d.). In order to achieve accreditation, it must go through reviews, appraisals, analysis, and hearings first. For a correctional agency to be accepted for accreditation, they at least must have one of the following: â€Å"pretrial or presented adult or juveniles; convicted adults or juveniles adjudicated delinquent; and/or adult or juvenile offenders sentenced to community supervision† (â€Å"Standards & Accreditation†, n.d.). There are many advantages and benefits of accreditation. The benefits have shown assessments of facilities’ strength and weaknesses, shown goals obtained, implantation of policies and procedures, established specific guidelines for everyday procedure, â€Å"aid in the defense of frivolous lawsuits, and increase of community support and a higher level of staff professionalism and morale† (â€Å"Standards & Accreditation†, n.d.). See more: Strategic Management Process Essay At ACA, they believe accreditation can enhance staff and development training. While though accreditation, there will be transcribe policies and agendas to help designate a training and staff development. The program will be for all levels of personnel. Employees’ experiences will automatically grow throughout all the training related to their job-related positions. They will receive current job-related training in relation to position requirements, new theories, current correctional issues, techniques and technologies. With the professional trainings, correctional officers will work toward compliance with standards which represent a professional practice. After all their hard work through the training, they will take pride in their professionalism. Through the ACA and the accreditation process, corrections has become more respected as a profession. They apply evidence-based practices which provide safe, secure, and humane conditions of confinement for over the millions of prisoners confined in this country. There are many valuable insights the Association provides about criminal justice and correctional policies to legislatures and government officials (Hamden, 2006-2013). Privatization are private sector prison used to hold prisoners. It is one of the solution used to solve the overcrowding of prisoners. With private prisons, it can help reduce the cost of incarcerating prisoners in an overcrowding prison (Joel, 2013). During the past couple of decades, prison population has increase. To solve this problem, it would require higher taxes on the people to build more prisons. The people responded by refusing to pay higher taxes to the government to build more prisons. Unable to solve the overcrowding of prison, a solution occurred to build private prisons to decrease overcrowding prisons. During the mid-1980s, private business interests saw the overcrowding prison as a profit and a way to expand their businesses. Corrections Corporation of America, the first modern private business was the first to emerge and established itself in 1984. The contract for the facility in Hamilton County, Tennessee was awarded to Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). It was the first time any government in the country to ever contract the entire jail operation to a private operator (Smith, 1996-2013). Privatization of prisons is thought to be more cost-effective and more efficient than public prisons (Smith, 1996-2013). Through some research to doubt on these claims, evidence show private prisons did not live up to its expectations. Research showed private prisons were no different from public prisons. In private prisons, lower staff and training may likely increase incidents of violence and escapes. With a nationwide study conducted, assaults on prison guards by inmates occur more frequently than in government-run prisons (Smith, 1996-2013). The study also show inmates assaulting other inmates occurred more often in private prisons. Concerning private vs. public prisons, there is no comparison between the two. Private prisons does not exactly help reduce the cost in public prisons. With few staffing and increase of proper training, it is likely to have more problems in private prisons than public prisons.

Heap vs. Stack for Delphi Developers

Call the function DoStackOverflow once from your code and youll get the EStackOverflow error raised by Delphi with the message stack overflow. ​function DoStackOverflow : integer;begin result : 1 DoStackOverflow;end; What is this stack and why there is an overflow there using the code above? So, the DoStackOverflow function is recursively calling itself -- without an exit strategy -- it just keeps on spinning and never exits. A quick fix, you would do, is to clear the obvious bug you have, and ensure the function exists at some point (so your code can continue executing from where you have called the function). You move on, and you never look back, not caring about the bug/exception as it is now solved. Yet, the question remains: what is this stack and why is there an overflow? Memory in Your Delphi Applications When you start programming in Delphi, you might experience bug like the one above, you would solve it and move on. This one is related to memory allocation. Most of the time you would not care about memory allocation as long as you free what you create. As you gain more experience in Delphi, you start creating your own classes, instantiate them, care about memory management and alike. You will get to the point where you will read, in the Help, something like Local variables (declared within procedures and functions) reside in an applications stack. and also Classes are reference types, so they are not copied on assignment, they are passed by reference, and they are allocated on the heap. So, what is stack and what is heap? Stack vs. Heap Running your application on Windows, there are three areas in the memory where your application stores data: global memory, heap, and stack. Global variables (their values/data) are stored in the global memory. The memory for global variables is reserved by your application when the program starts and remains allocated until your program terminates. The memory for global variables is called data segment. Since global memory is only once allocated and freed at program termination, we do not care about it in this article. Stack and heap are where dynamic memory allocation takes place: when you create a variable for a function, when you create an instance of a class when you send parameters to a function and use/pass its result value. What Is Stack? When you declare a variable inside a function, the memory required to hold the variable is allocated from the stack. You simply write var x: integer, use x in your function, and when the function exits, you do not care about memory allocation nor freeing. When the variable goes out of scope (code exits the function), the memory which was taken on the stack is freed. The stack memory is allocated dynamically using the LIFO (last in first out) approach. In Delphi programs, stack memory is used by Local routine (method, procedure, function) variables.Routine parameters and return types.Windows API function calls.Records (this is why you do not have to explicitly create an instance of a record type). You do not have to explicitly free the memory on the stack, as the memory is auto-magically allocated for you when you, for example, declare a local variable to a function. When the function exits (sometimes even before due to Delphi compiler optimization) the memory for the variable will be auto-magically freed. Stack memory size is, by default, large enough for your (as complex as they are) Delphi programs. The Maximum Stack Size and Minimum Stack Size values on the Linker options for your project specify default values -- in 99.99% you would not need to alter this. Think of a stack as a pile of memory blocks. When you declare/use a local variable, Delphi memory manager will pick the block from the top, use it, and when no longer needed it will be returned back to the stack. Having local variable memory used from the stack, local variables are not initialized when declared. Declare a variable var x: integer in some function and just try reading the value when you enter the function -- x will have some weird non-zero value. So, always initialize (or set value) to your local variables before you read their value. Due to LIFO, stack (memory allocation) operations are fast as only a few operations (push, pop) are required to manage a stack. What Is  Heap? A heap is a region of memory in which dynamically allocated memory is stored. When you create an instance of a class, the memory is allocated from the heap. In Delphi programs, heap memory is used by/when Creating an instance of a class.Creating and resizing dynamic arrays.Explicitly allocating memory using GetMem, FreeMem, New and Dispose().Using ANSI/wide/Unicode strings, variants, interfaces (managed automatically by Delphi). Heap memory has no nice layout where there would be some order is allocating blocks of memory. Heap looks like a can of marbles. Memory allocation from the heap is random, a block from here than a block from there. Thus, heap operations are a bit slower than those on the stack. When you ask for a new memory block (i.e. create an instance of a class), Delphi memory manager will handle this for you: youll get a new memory block or a used and discarded one. The heap consists of all virtual memory (RAM and disk space). Manually Allocating Memory Now that all about memory is clear, you can safely (in most cases) ignore the above and simply continue writing Delphi programs as you did yesterday. Of course, you should be aware of when and how to manually allocate/free memory. The EStackOverflow (from the beginning of the article) was raised because with each call to DoStackOverflow a new segment of memory has been used from the stack and stack has limitations. As simple as that.